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RSS & Tricolour

Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, who was part of Indian National Congress (INC) till 1923, started Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925 with the initial impetus to provide character training through Hindu discipline and to unite the Hindu community to form a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation). He was deeply influenced by the writings of Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. From the time of its inception, RSS positioned itself as a cultural organisation and carefully avoided any political activity that could be construed as being anti-British.

Dr. Hedgewar, the first Sarsanchalak, instructed all RSS members to participate in political activities [independence movement] only in an “individual capacity”. The formation of the RSS, further increased the Hindu-Muslim divide, as the RSS rejected Mahatma Gandhi’s willingness to cooperate with the Muslims. M S Golwalkar, who became the Sarsanchalak of the RSS in 1940, continued and further strengthened the isolation from the independence movement. In his view, the RSS had pledged to achieve freedom through “defending religion and culture” and not by fighting the British. Thus the nationalistic political base behind Gandhiji during the Non-Cooperation Movement was broken into factions.

The RSS leaders through their shakhas (branches) convinced Hindus that Muslims were despots and religious invaders. This narative worked perfectly for the British, who wanted to be seen as a rectifier of the historical harm inflicted by the Muslims, the invaders. The British had already completed the deeply resented partition of Bengal, in 1905, along religious lines – a Muslim majority state of East Bengal and a Hindu majority state of West Bengal. This Hindu-Muslim divide kind of strengthened the British hands to do the same with British India.

When INC called upon all Indians to celebrate January 26, 1930 as Independence Day, the RSS and its Sarsanchalak Dr. Hedgewar issued a circular asking all the RSS shakhas to observe the occasion through hoisting and worship of its own Bhagva Janda (Saffron Flag), rather than the Tricolour. The RSS continued the practice till 2002 except for a once in 1950 when the RSS hoisted the Tricolour in their HQ at Reshambaugh, Nagpur.

The second RSS Sarsanchalak and the most reviered till date, Golwalkar, wrote in Organiser in July 1947 issue ”Indian Tricolour will never be respected and owned by the Hindus. The word three is in itself an evil, and a flag having three coulours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to a country.” In another book published by Golwalker popularly called Guruji by RSS ”We Or Our Nationhood Defined” (first edition in 1939) has been orally disowned by some in the RSS-BJP, even if copies are freely available on the internet.

In 1960 RSS published another book ”Bunch of Thoughts”. The official website of the RSS ( has a version of the e-book, Bunch of Thoughts. In this book he lamented that “our leaders (freedom fighters) have set up a new flag for the country. Why did they do so? It is just a case of drifting and imitating… Ours is an ancient and great nation with a glorious past… Then, had we no flag of our own? Had we no national emblem at all these thousands of years? Undoubtedly we had. Then why this utter void, this utter vacuum in our minds?”

On January 26, 2001, three Rashtrapremi Yuwa Dal activists Baba Mendhe, Ramesh Kalambe and Dilip Chatwani, entered the RSS premises in Reshimbagh and hoisted the national tricolour amid patriotic slogans. The RSS filed a case (FIR No. 176 at Kotwali Police Station, Nagpur) against them. The case file reads that Sunil Kathle the incharge of the premises first tried to stop intruders from entering the premises and later tried to prevent them from hoisting the tricolour. The 3 activists were later were acquitted and were released.

The last time RSS Sarsanchalak Golwalkar had hoisted the Tricolur in RSS HQ was on January 26, 1950. In the wake of Gandhi’s assassination on January 30, 1948, the new Government banned the RSS and the then Deputy Prime Minister, Sardar Patel, wrote to Nehru on February 27, 1948 ”It was a fanatical wing of the Hindu Mahasabha directly under Savarkar that [hatched] the conspiracy and saw it through”. However personal conviction would not compromise Patel’s commitment to due legal process. After investigations were completed, Patel declared quite unequivocally that though “the RSS was not involved… his assassination was welcomed by those of the RSS and the [Hindu] Mahasabha who were strongly opposed to his way of thinking and to his policy”.

Golwalkar repeatedly pleaded with Patel, but he remained firm. Sardar Patel finally lifted the ban on July 11, 1949, only after the RSS pledged to “stay away from politics, not be secretive and abjure violence”. More important, it had to profess “loyalty to the Constitution of India and the National Flag”. But post the death of Patel on December 15, 1950, the RSS went back to their old ways till the 2001 Rashtrapremi Yuwa Dal shocker.

Quid Pro Quo

Quid Pro Quo is Latin, and means “What for what’’ or ‘’Something for something’’. The mutual consideration that passes between two parties to a contractual agreement, thereby rendering the agreement valid and binding.

In politics quid quo pro can refer to the use of political office for personal benefit. For instance, an elected official might promise favorable governmental treatment to a person in exchange for something of value. This form of quid pro quo would be a violation of the law.

The former Chief Justice of India (CJI), Justice P Sathasivam, was appointment as the Governor of Kerala August 31, 2014, post retirement.


The former CJI was responsible for quashing an FIR against BJP President Amit Shah in the Tulsiram Prajapati case, in April 2013. Earlier Justice Sathasivam had shifted the Sohrabuddin case to Maharashtra.

The professional dictum is that “judges do not speak, they speak only through their judgments”.  Justice Sathasivam had gone out of the way to justify and defend judgement in the Amit Shah case in media interviews, thus clearly violating this particular value of judicial conduct.

The 1987 batch IPS officer A K Sharma, was Joint Director of Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) by the Modi Government on April 22, 2015.

A-K-SharmaArun Kumar Sharma an 1987 Batch IPS Officer was appointed as Joint Director of CBI for a period of five years. Prior to this appointment Sharma was heading Ahmedabad Detection of Crime Branch (DCB) as Special Commissioner a post created for the first time. The CBI in Gujarat had probed Sohrabuddin Sheikh, his wife Kauser Bi, their aide Tulsiram Prajapati as well as Ishrat Jahan and Sadiq Jamal Mehtar encounter cases.

During the investigation of Ishrat Jahan encounter Sharma’s name had cropped up in a CD where he was allegedly present in a meeting along with other officers for “derailing the investigation.” Sharma also featured in an alleged snooping controversy on a young woman architect from Bangalore reportedly “under watch” by the then officers including IPS officer G L Singhal, a key accused in Ishrat Jahan encounter, and the then Minister of State for Home Amit Shah, for one “Saheb”. He was appointed as Joint Director of CBI on April 22, 2015.

The 1978 batch IRS officer K V Chowdary, was appointed Central Vigilance Commissioner (CVC) of India on June 8, 2015, immediately after retirement.


As Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBTD) Chief, when the CBI handed over the documents in the now famous Birla and Sahara Papers, K V Chowdary did not persue the matter. Ideally, the CBI should have investigated the contents of the documents found in its raids.

Instead, CBI handed over the sensitive information to the IT department and the CBTD Chief quietly buried the evidence that ‘Gujarat CM’ was paid a sum of Rs. 40 crore and 7 lakh by Birla and Rs. 55 crore by Sahara, in several installments. He was appointed Central Vigilance Commissioner (CVC) of India on June 8, 2015, immediately after retirement.

Rakesh Asthana was named Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) Director by the government on December 2, 2016.

Rakesh AsthanaR K Asthana, 1984 batch Gujarat cadre IPS officer who had overseen the initial probe into the Godhra train fire, was appointed as CBI Special Director, the number 2 position in the premier investigative agency on Dec 2, 2016. Just before the appointment Special Director R K Dutta, who was among the front runners for the CBI Chief post, was shifted to the Home Ministry as a special secretary after creating a post of second special secretary was formed for the first time in the Home Ministry.

In Gujarat, Asthana was part of the Special Investigation Team that investigate the Godhra train burning case of 2002. He is believed close to the state government and held vital posts, including Commissioner of Police in Vadodara and Surat.

Former CBI Director R K Raghavan was appointed as India’s High Commissioner to Cyprus on August 30, 2017, post retirement.

As Special Investigation Team Chief, R K Raghavan had cleared the then Gujarat Chief Minister Modi of complicity in the 2002 Gujarat Raghavanriots. He was appointed as head of a Supreme Court-appointed special investigation team (SIT) that probed the Gujarat riots, after allegations of bias against the state police. In the case relating to Modi, SIT said in 2012 that “it had found no evidence to back allegations that the then CM had done nothing to stop some of the worst massacres in 2002”. The court accepted the SIT findings.

In April 2017, the Supreme Court approved Raghavan’s request to resign from his post in the SIT and on 30 August 2017, the Ministry of External Affairs  announced that Raghavan had been appointed the next High Commissioner to Cyprus.

Y C Modi, Special Director CBI was appointed Director General of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on September 17, 2017.

y-c-modi.jpgYogesh Chander Modi a 1984 batch Assam and Meghalayacadre IPS officer was another member of the SIT which probed the Gujarat riots, which gave clean chit to the then CM Narendra Modi. He was part of the CBI team that investigated three cases during the Godhra riots – the Naroda Gam, Gulberg Society and Naroda Patiya cases.

Yogesh Modi was appointed an additional director in the CBI in July 2015 and served the premier investigating agency for over two years before taking charge of the NIA. His appointment comes at a time when in June 2017, NIA & its special prosecutor in the 2008 Malegaon blasts case, Rohini Salian,  spared over going ‘soft’ to protect Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur. The fate of other terror accused like Lt Col Prasad Shrikant Purohit, Swami Aseemanand, Shiv Narayan Gopal Singh Kalsanghra and Shyam Bhawarlal Sahu are dependent on NIA taking the investigations to logical conclusion.

With these example hope you understand the meaning and usage “Quid Pro Quo’’.

Some of the important officers of Gujarat cadre posted at the Centre after Modi became PM are –

Rajeev Topno (1996 Batch IAS Officer) – Private Secretary to PM

Arvind Kumar Sharma (1988 Batch IAS Officer) – Joint Secretary to PM

Hasmukh Adhia (1981 Batch IAS Officer) – Secretary, Department of Revenue

Tapan Ray (1982 Batch IAS Officer) – Secretary, Ministry of Corporate Affairs

P K Mishra (1972 Batch Retired IAS Officer) – Additional Principal Secretary to PM

Pradeep Kumar Pujari (1981 Batch IAS Officer) – Secretary, Ministry of Power

Ashim Khurana (1983 Batch IAS Officer) – Chairman, Staff Selection Commission

Amarjit Singh (1982 Batch IAS Officer) – Special Secretary, Ministry of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation


Just wanted everyone to learn meaning of the word ‘alibi’. An alibi is a Latin word and is ”a form of defense used in criminal procedure wherein the accused attempts to prove that he or she was in some other place at the time the alleged offense was committed”.

Gujarat Minister of State for Women and Child Development, Maya Kodnani was send to jail, in August 2012, for 28 years in the Naroda Patiya riots of February 2002. The Special Investigation Team (SIT) Court called her ‘kingpin’ and decided she would serve the jail term under different Sections of the IPC; 10 years under Section 326 and 18 years under Sections 120(B) (criminal conspiracy), 302 (murder) and 307 (attempt to murder). Witnesses had told investigators that Maya Kodnani, a gynaecologist, played a leading role in the massacre of 95 people – 30 men, 32 women and 33 children – in , an area falling under her Assembly constituency.


She was granted bail in July 2014 by Gujarat High Court who suspended her sentence on grounds of her sickness and possible delay in trial. In April 2017, she first requested the Special Sessions Court in Ahmedabad to summon Amit Shah and 13 others as defense witness.  After much dilly dallying in the case. Maya Kodnani claimed that she had failed to reach Amit Shah, because he was constantly travelling outside Gujarat. Finally on September 17, 2017 Amit Shah appeared and told the court that Maya Kodnani was present in Gujarat Assembly during the Naroda Gam riot. Amit Shah backs Kodnani’s alibi

Maya Kodnani just establish her alibi.